In
England's far northeast there is a river. Its waters are calm, not
pristine but not particularly befouled. The air is silent. From heart
to mouth there is little traffic upon it: perhaps a little patrol
boat nosing around, or a massive tanker asleep on its banks. Someone, at some moment, might be fishing in it. It is far removed from the crowded, noisy, money-spinning
concentration of madness that is London and England's southeast, in
the cold, the wet and the wind of what one Conservative MP recently
disdained as the 'desolate north'.
Keep
opinions like that out of the earshot of the thousands of ghosts on
this river, or their still-living descendents, for the heritage of
that region defines their identities, their fears and their
hopes to this day. This river, as they know it, is the river that
made them who they are: a river of life and of death, teeming with
ships – trade vessels, tankers, battleships of the royal fleet,
birthed in its never-sleeping docks and set forth upon the waves, or
ploughing in from or out to the sea, a maritime network connecting
this region inextricably to the world. A river that was once one of
Europe's mightiest industrial heartlands, whose people broke their
backs to contribute to their society, and endured, in turn, far more
than their fair share of its injustices and pains. Its story is a
paradox of pride and sorrow, its waters a reflection of some of
England's bitterest struggles of sustainability, of development and
of peace, throughout the past and to this day. It is – of course –
the River Tyne.
The former Baltic flour mills, now a museum of contemporary art. |
The Tyne
collects water from two tributaries at Hexham and flows through what
were once England's mightiest coalfields. For hundreds of years,
until the 20th century collapse of the British coal industry, the
Tyne was the principal outlet for its export. It flows on east,
separating the city centre of Newcastle on its north bank from
Gateshead on the south, the latter itself a traditional centre of coal mining,
ironworks and heavy industry. These supported the massive
shipyards and commercial docks along the Tyne's lower reaches, making
the Tyne in its day one of the foremost shipbuilding centres in the
world. Further along its banks are towns like Jarrow, whose monastery was the home of the Venerable
Bede, the celebrated 7th-8th century writer, monk and historian; and
Wallsend, the eastern extremity of Hadrian's Wall.
Finally
it discharges into the North Sea between North and South Shields,
where two piers stick out liike stone lips into the Tynemouth to ease the
tricky navigation in and out. South Shields is home to what is
considered Britain's first established Muslim community: Yemenis,
descended from sailors in the 1890s who served in the British navy
out of Aden. They endured racist prejudice and discrimination until
the mid-20th century, when attitudes finally began to soften, and
their mosque experienced a visit from the boxer Muhammed Ali when he
had one of his marriages blessed there in 1977.
The
remnants of this heyday are evident all the way along the Tyne of
today: derelict dry docks and cranes and warehouses, crumbling ruins,
incongruous new housing developments. But we would do better than
read the Tyne's story as a simple tale of decline and heritage lost.
Along these riverbanks are lessons from Britain's timeless struggles
against itself, and new signs of rebirth, perhaps, that hinge upon
learning the lessons from these struggles.
England's
Miserable Industrial Relations
I
have extensively critiqued, on this blog and elsewhere, the likes of
neoclassical economics
and the heartless employment culture
of the capitalist era, by which society takes on a casual expectation
of deference from employees towards powerful employers. And you will
find few people, from the pitiless flames of industrialization to the
ruthless austerity programmes of today, who have suffered more from
this broken economic paradigm than the people of the Tyne.
And
no-one in England has mustered more courage than they in standing up
to it. In 1936, amidst the appalling poverty and unemployment of the
Great Depression, over two hundred people from Jarrow marched 300
miles to London to protest the demolition of their shipbuilding
industry and to petition for jobs to support their families. Among
their number was their MP Ellen Wilkinson, who later wrote about
these events in her 1939 book, The
Town That Was Murdered.
The
reaction in Westminster was typical. Prime Minister Baldwin refused
to meet with them, and parliament was not bothered to come up with
anything to help them other than £1 each for the train fare back to
Jarrow. Nonetheless the Jarrow March is remembered as a significant
landmark in the history of Britain's labour movement, a moment when some of
the country's most exploited people found the courage to stand up to
a society, economy and politics all colluding to keep them down.
Workers like these may have poured their sweat and blood into huge
contributions to British industrial growth, but they lived their lives
in abominable conditions. Coal mining was especially notorious. Employers provided next to no health and safety measures or
socio-economic support, and kept their labourers working in lethal
underground environments with primitive tools, hazardous gases,
cramped and crumbling tunnels and a perpetual risk of disasters. Pit
owners typically considered these people expendable and controlled
their lives even outside the workplace, starving them back to work if
they went on strike and providing insulting compensation to accident
victims and their families. This should be considered an episode of
unpardonable shame in British and human history, and one of numerous
inhumanities for which powerful employers owe a grievous debt to our
kind.
A debt which still accumulates. There is a clear thread through time
of socio-economic exploitation, cooperatively maintained by
politicians and elite employers, that connects this mistreatment and
episodes like the Jarrow Marches all the way down through the
twentieth century, through the 1984-5 Miners' Strike and demolition
of workers' rights by the Thatcher regime which killed
off the Tyne as an industrial heartland once and for all. Britain's
labour movement has never really recovered, and was effectively cast
from politics when Tony Blair transformed the Labour Party, born of
that movement, into the “New Labour” project which shunned the
trade unions and embraced the market. And that thread still coils its
way around necks today, with the current government's vision for the country: one of limitless privilege for
business elites, contempt and humiliation for the unemployed,
zero-hours contracts, farcical back-to-work schemes, the slashing of
social support for the most vulnerable people in the country, and an
utter, unashamed disdain, within and abroad, for human rights.
Thus
does England, led by London, descend. Might the Tyne, however, be far
enough from the maws of madness to find a better way forward?
The
Struggle for Sustainability
If you sail down the Tyne today, for all its whispers and ghosts and
tranquility, you may notice some actual industrial activity. Look
closer and a certain theme is apparent. There is a Siemens facility,
servicing wind turbines for the North Sea. Another site nearby
processes biomass fuel, including for British power stations. And
Nissan is there too, having chosen South Shields as a terminal to
export their hybrid and electric cars.
The low-carbon economy, it seems, is bringing the Tyne back to life.
Though the carboniferous economy has not yet gone of course. The few remaining active industrial ships are typically hulking beasts like these, servicing the offshore oil industry in the North Sea. |
A
profound irony. As a river synonymous in its time with coal and
steel, the Tyne was for decades clogged to its banks with filth.
Domestic sewerage, industrial effluents and mining runoff deprived
the river of its oxygen, making it toxic and inhospitable to life,
human or otherwise, and blighting the local communities with cholera.
In those days, so I heard, if you fell into the Tyne, then if they
got you out quickly enough, and cleaned you up quickly enough, and
got you into hospital quickly enough, then if you were lucky you
might just possibly not die. Neglect for the environment has long
been a reckless hallmark of the story of “modernity”, and the Tyne at
its worst may have been its consummate symbol.
All the
more surprising, and encouraging then that the Tyne has now been
drastically cleaned up, and is finding its new significance in the
rejection of that old economics in which environmental destruction is
both inherent and ignored. This is in a Britain where the response to
climate change has been contradictory, with great efforts and courage
in some quarters struggling against great ignorance in others
determined to carry on business as usual. And when we look back one
day on the story of this struggle, regardless of who wins it, we may
find a Tyne that has secured itself a worthier place in it than many
in Britain, and that has accordingly reaped the benefits. Even of
late, at a time of stagnation and misery, the low-carbon sectors were
among the few that continued to grow.
Clouds
Disperse
Cold, wet and windy: but at last the skies begin to open. Shafts of
light shine through in places, but the clouds are yet to clear enough
for a vivid view of this river's future.
The Tyne of the past may have vanished, but so important it was to
local identites that there seems little chance those memories will
fade any time soon. And that is essential. There is so much, whether
to be proud of or ashamed of, that must be remembered and learnt from in the
story of England's industrial northeast. So let us hope, for everyone
there and for Britain as a whole, that the Tyne's re-emergence may
lead it to a cleaner, fairer, and much more pleasant destiny than its
past; and one which, perhaps through a front-line position in
Britian's continuing struggles against its broken economic paradigm,
may promise glories yet to come in making this – at last, one day,
at last – a country where humans no longer seek gain from the
suffering of others, or of the planet they depend on.
Look closely. Can you see it? |
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